ADDRESS 



BEFORE THE 



Washington County Agricultural 
Society. 

1894. 



ADDRESS 

DELIVERED AT THE 

TWENTIETH ANNUAL FAIR 

OF THE 

Washington County Agricultural 
Society. 

September i2Th, 1894, 



BY 



ROWLAND HAZARD, 

1^- 



President of the Society. 







>'\A 






WAKEFIELD, R. I.: 

D. GILLIES' SONS, TIMES PRINT, 

1894. 



ADDRESS. 



Members of the Washington County Agricultural Society, 
Ladies and Gentlemen : — 

When it was announced in the early days of this Society that the 
President would deliver an annual address, it was also suggested 
that he should compare one year with another. 

The comparison this year with last is so flattering to our pride 
that I am almost afraid to dwell upon it. We have 3943 entries 
this year against 3022 entries last year, a gain of 921, or 30 per 
cent.* This gain is in almost every department, but is particu- 
larly notable in sheep and swine, and in fruits and vegetables. In 
sheep we have an excess of nearly one-quarter and swine are very 
nearly double. In fruit the display is wonderful, in quantity and 
quality. There is a gain in apples of over one-quarter in the 
number of entries, and a gain in pears of over one-half Vegetables 
overflow the space assigned them and cover the floor. The Old 
South County has outdone herself and I congratulate you gentle- 
men of the Society on this great success. The number of entries 
is always a sign of the interest taken by the community in our Fair. 
We have this pleasant proof of appreciation in full measure this 
year. The unfailing work and co-operation of the ladies is manifest 
as it always is. Their department shows more entries and great 
excellence. It is the pride of our Fair that we represent the house- 
hold. You see especially in the ladies' department, exhibits' from 
the homes of our people. 

♦These figures are corrected to correspond with the final result. The report 
as first published contained an error. The entries in full in all the departments 
are printed as an appendix. 



To our excellent secretary, and to the superintendent of the Fair 
and to the committees under them great praise is due for most 
successful management. The secretary has this year pubhshed in 
the Narragansett Times of last week the entries of this year in 
comparison with last. To be able to do this so promptly shows 
how well he has attended to his onerous duties. The figures well 
deserve attention and I hope we may have them every year. They 
will aid us to make the comparison from year to year. 

By such comparison we can learn whither our ways are tending. 
Are we progressing ? are we improving ? or are we going backward ? 
These are questions we must answer, and I ask you to look well 
about you to-day with the fixed purpose of seeing not only what 
improvement has been made in the past, but also of seeing and 
discovering methods which shall make possible even greater 
improvements in the future. This is the only scientific attitude of 
mind. With this end in view, I last year asked Professor Wheeler 
to give an account of the important experiments which he had been 
conducting at the farm of the Agricultural College. These experi- 
ments have been continued with some variations, and Professor 
Wheeler has consented to again explain them. The results are 
beyond question very valuable. One of them is easily compre- 
hended. The fact is conclusively demonstrated that certain soils 
are greatly benefitted by the use of Hme in connection with other 
manures. 

But a single fact like this is not all. What the managers of the 
Agricultural College hope for, is, that farmers will visit the institu- 
tion, study its experiments and its methods, and get suggestions by 
which they will be able to direct their own practical operations so 
as to secure better results. There are some men who "know it all" 
now. They are to be pitied, not envied. The hope of the world 
is with those whose minds are open, who are wiUing to learn, who 
are eager after truth. It is the endeavor after something better 
which makes progress possible. 



I shall have the pleasure of introducing Professor Wheeler to you 
presently, and he will give you in detail an account of his experi- 
ments, and of his methods in conducting them. The methods are 
educational, and I know that Professor Wheeler will at once enforce, 
and exemplify, the necessity and advantage of a sound education to 
the successful pursuit of agriculture. 

For myself, following the idea of comparing the year which is past 
with the years which have gone before, I desire in reviewing the 
important events of the year, to make some suggestions as to the 
place which education must fill in our modern civilization, if that 
civilization is to advance, and not recede. 

And first I wish to congratulate the Rhode Island Agricultural 
College, to congratulate Brown University, to congratulate this 
community, and to congratulate the entire State, because the 
unhappy differences which at one time existed between the College 
and the University have been finally, absolutely, and equitably 
settled. The munificent revenue provided by the general govern- 
ment is steadily flowing into the treasury of the Agricultural College. 
It is well fitted for the work it is to do. With a corps of able 
teachers and professors, with the study of books combined with 
manual training, with the opportunity and appliances for testing 
theory by practice, a future of great usefulness is opening before this 
young and vigorous institution. Brown University has her own 
sphere, a somewhat different sphere, but venerable with years, yet 
ever putting forth new growth, she fills a place in the history of our 
State, of which all Rhode Islanders may well be proud. From 
positions of trust and honor in every quarter of our land, her sons 
rise up and call her blessed. Between her and the Agricultural 
College there can be no jealousy. Both are striving to give a good 
education to the rising generation. Both recognize that in the great 
work before them there is ample room for the best efforts of both. 
Brown University and the Agricultural College are not rivals, they 
are natural allies. Each occupies its own post in the great educa- 



tional army. In the battle against ignorance each can aid the other. 
There is a solidarity which unites by a common bond all men of 
letters, all students and seekers after truth. Now that all disturbing 
pecuniary questions are settled and taken away, I look to see this 
bond of a common aim grow stronger and stronger. The two 
institutions in complete harmony and sympathy will move onward 
side by side, each giving the instruction for which it is best fitted, 
and each aiding in the great work of true education. In so far as in 
us Hes, let us help onward this result. 

In reviewing the past year, it is impossible, in the limited time 
at my disposal, to follow in detail all the important events. A 
selection must be made, and in the briefest manner I propose to 
refer to : 

ist — The silver question ; 2nd — The tariff question ; 3rd — The 
strikes which so nearly culminated in civil war at Chicago. 

Last year I pointed out to you that the effort to maintain the 
relation of silver to gold by law, at a fixed ratio, is a vain effort. 
The controlling forces which determine the relative value of gold 
and silver are the conditions of ease with which the metals can be 
produced, and the relative demand for their consumption. Against 
these potent forces law has no power. 

During the past year Congress has repealed the act under which 
the United States was seeking to raise the price of silver, by cre- 
ating an artificial demand. Under this act an immense quantity of 
silver was purchased and stored in vaults so as to effectually take it 
out of the market. But the supply continued to pour into the 
market, and the price did not rise. The government purchases 
acted as a stimulus to production, because even at the low price 
there was still a profit to the silver miner, coupled with an assured 
market. It became apparent that the government was guilty of a 
great folly in thus making a market for a single product of industry, 
and the act was repealed. This is a step in the right direction ; 
but the question is not yet settled. Discussion is going on, and 



must go on until the true principles are discovered and adopted. 

In a recent article professor Henry W. Farnam of Yale has made 
a very valuable contribution to this discussion. He lays down this 
distinct and concise proposition, " No force that influences merely 
the demand for the metals can effectually regulate their value. It 
should also be able to control the supply." This is a very impor- 
tant principle, and I thmk entirely within the comprehension of 
anyone who will look at it. Suppose that a law is passed, fixing 
the ratio of silver to gold, and making both metals legal tender. If 
this ratio makes silver the cheaper metal, there will, of course, be 
an increased demand for it for the purpose of paying debts at as 
low a rate as possible. But, at the same time, this increased de- 
mand will stimulate production, and if the mines in consequence 
put out more silver than they did before, the price of silver in rela- 
tion to gold will not rise, but may even fall, and consequently the 
effect of the increased demand which was made by law, will be 
neutralized. It is, therefore, certain that law cannot fix the ratio 
between gold and silver, unless that ratio happens to coincide with 
the actual conditions of supply and demand. 

During the past year the bimetaUists have changed their ground. 
Under the able lead of Francis A. Walker, President of the 
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, they now claim that the 
concurrent circulation of the two metals at a fixed ratio is not a 
necessary part of bimetallism. They say if a legal ratio is fixed, 
there may be an alternating standard. It may be gold at one time, 
and silver at another ; and they concede that that metal will be 
used as the standard, which at the time is the cheapest. This is 
the exact position which has been taken heretofore by monometal- 
lists, and it is difficult to conceive how a system can be called 
"bimetaUic," when at any given time only one metal is used as a 
standard. Certainly our ideas of the definition of bimetallism must 
be changed. But we must now inquire if this system of an alterna- 
ing standard can be called an excellent system ? Notice that under 



8 

this system a change of standard will take place whenever the 
metal not used as standard becomes cheaper than the metal which 
up to that time has been used. Thus, suppose gold is the standard, 
and the legal ratio to silver is i:i6. If now j//z'^r becomes cheaper, 
so one ounce of gold will buy seventeen ounces of silver, no one 
will pay debts in gold; they will pay in silver, and silver will become 
the standard. If in time gold becomes cheaper, and fifteen ounces 
of silver will buy one of gold, then gold will again become the 
standard, but observe that in this change a debt of sixteen ounces 
of silver will be paid by fifteen ounces, or its equivalent, one ounce 
of gold. 

It is claimed for this system that it benefits those who owe 
money. They will always have the privilege of paying their debts 
in the cheapest metal. This is true, but it is a doubtful good. To 
give one class always the advantage, outrages the sense of natural 
justice. In order to balance the scale, it is claimed that debtors are 
weak, and need protection from rapacious creditors. But this is far 
from the truth. So many people are both debtor and creditor that it 
is difficult to form classes composed wholly of debtors, or wholly of 
creditors. Working-men are creditors because of the large sums 
deposited in savings bank, which are the accumulations of working 
people. In this case the working-men who own these deposits are 
the real creditors, and those who borrow them from the banks, and 
use them in business, are the real debtors. Any change in 
standard which enables these debtors to pay off their debt in 
currency of a less value than that which they borrowed, is a direct 
injury to the working-man. But labor has another and a far larger 
interest in maintaining the absolute stability of the standard of 
value. Consider for a moment the sum that is due for wages 
earned. This sum cannot be less than ten miUion dollars per day ; 
that is to say, the workers of this nation have coming due to them 
in wages, not less than sixty millions of dollars each week. The 
contracts under which these wages are earned are generally for long 



time. They run from six months to a year, or longer. The wages 
are paid not oftener than once a week, and in a great many 
instances, only once a month. It follows that in a single half year 
there is the enormous sum of fifteen hundred and sixty miUions of 
dollars, for which the laboring population of the country is the 
creditor. Any variation of the standard of value, which occurs 
during a six months, will affect the comforts which can be purchased 
by this great army of laborers, with this vast sum of money. If the 
standard is so arranged that the debtor, who in this case is the 
hirer of labor, can always pay in the least valuable metal, there is a 
direct injury to the whole body of those who receive wages. Now, 
it seems to me, that if any class should be favored in the adjustment 
of the standard of value, it is this very class of laborers. From the 
nature of the case, they are continually making contracts for their 
labor in advancCj and they should be paid at the end of the time in 
a currency which is the same as that'which existed at the time of 
the contract. To change this currency for one less valuable is a 
wrong against which this laboring class, which is, as you see, the 
creditor class, can have no redress. 

Demagogues have raised the ignorant cry, that the masses want 
cheap money. This is entirely untrue. The working-men of the 
nation want to be paid in the dearest money, not the cheapest, 
because the dearest money will buy more comforts than the 
cheapest. History affords many examples of sharp men who have 
over-reached themselves, but there is no more instructive example 
than this of the bimetaUists. They are trying in the assumed inter- 
est of the poor, to pay off debts in a cheaper money than that in 
which they were contracted, and are thus urging the adoption of a 
system which confessedly results in depriving the laborer of a por- 
tion of his hire. With every change in the standard of value which 
the system contemplates, there is a step down to a lower level of 
value, and a sHce is taken off from the working-man's wages. 

The second topic which I mentioned was the tariff. I will not 



lO 

dwell long upon this. You remember that ten years ago, standing 
on this platform, I advocated strongly that the duty should be taken 
off of wool, and lowered upon manufacturing goods. I maintained 
that such action on the part of the government would be beneficial 
to the wool grower, as well as to the wool manufacturer, and that 
the whole nation would share in the benefit. 'After ten years of 
struggle, a tariff" has been enacted which places wool upon the free 
list, and reduces the duty on manufactured goods. Other fea- 
tures of the tariff have been changed. Some of them will not bear 
scrutiny. The tariff as a whole has not been framed on any con- 
sistent plan. It is not a truly reform, tariff, but it does contain this 
one feature which is certainly a step in the right direction. Farmers 
are particularly interested in the price of wool, and if this tariff is 
allowed to remain you will see the manufacturing industry flourish ; 
this will increase the purchasing power of your market, and you will 
see better prices for your wool than were obtainable under the 
McKinley bill. I look forward to an era of prosperity. You will 
remember that when the tariff of '67 was passed, increasing the 
duties upon wool, prices fell, and sheep were slaughtered. 
More than half of the sheep east of the Mississippi river were killed 
during the two years following the adoption of that tariff. It will 
take time for the country to adapt itself to the new conditions, but 
I am very confident that no such disastrous results will follow the 
enactment of the present tariff as those which followed the enact- 
ment of the tariff of 1867. 

The last point to which I wish to direct attention, concerns, as I 
have stated, the strikes which have occurred in various parts of the 
country during the past year, and particularly the outbreak at 
Chicago, which came near resulting in civil war. 

I will not weary you with a history of strikes. It is not my pur- 
pose to inquire into the grievances which are alleged to have caused 
the strikes. There may, or may not, have been real grievances, 
but the proposition which I wish to state is, that tw grievance grow- 



1 1 

ing out of the adjustment of wages, can justify the overthrow of 
law. The right to cease to labor for wages which are unsatisfactory, 
is the inalienable right of every man. The right to combine and 
organize a peaceful strike cannot be gainsaid. All that can be 
urged against such a course is that it is unwise. In the great 
majority of instances strikes fail to increase wages. Statistics show 
that the losses they intlict on the workers vastly exceed the gains. 
But the right to strike exists, just as the right of revolution exists. 
It is the last resort when further endurance of wrong has ceased to 
be a virtue. 

But this right to strike must not bring violence to its aid. It 
must not overthrow the law which protects life and property. If 
violence is permitted the whole framework of society is broken 
down. The law of right is abandoned for the law of might. We 
step backward toward the reign of the strongest, when rights had to 
be fought for, when murder and rapine were part of the regular 
order of affairs, and civilization, as we now understand it, 
was impossible. And further the right to strike must not inter- 
fere with the rights of others to work. There is no more 
atrocious tyranny than that by which one man, or set of men, 
prevents a man from working who is willing and anxious to 
work. , Much has been said about the rights of organized labor. It 
is high time that the rights of unorganized labor were considered. 
Every individual man, without reference to any organized body, has 
the right to work or not to work ; he has the right to decide for 
himself at what wages and under what conditions he will work ; and 
no one has a right to hinder him by force, or by the use of oppro- 
brious epithets. Our whole political system is founded upon the 
hberty of the individual. Liberty regulated by law is our funda- 
mental principle. We have declared to the world that all men "are 
endowed by their creator with certain unaHenable rights ; that 
among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." The 
limit of this liberty, and this pursuit of happiness, is that no man 



12 

shall infringe on the rights of his neighbor. If now we permit a 
man to be deprived of this liberty by a body of organized labor, or 
by any other tyrant, we are false to the principles upon which our 
government is founded ; we are permitting the introduction of 
destructive forces which will inevitably cause the whole fabric to fall 
in ruin. 

Now what has happened at Chicago ? An organization was form- 
ed called the American Railway Protective Union. A man named 
Debs was the president and chief mover in the organization. To 
this man, Debs, was given the despotic power of the General of an 
army. He aimed to command the entire laboring force of all the 
railroads of the country. He boasted that he had control of all the 
roads which center in Chicago. This boast was not absolutely true, 
for the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, men necessarily of 
education, self reliance and courage, refused to join Debs' union. 
All honor to them for that refusal. But Debs did succeed in enroll- 
ing under his command a large number of the switchmen, freight 
handlers and laborers employed by the railroads. These men had 
no quarrel with their employers. It was not claimed that the wages 
paid them were too low. It was well known that the roads had 
been passing through a season of great depression. Earnings had 
fallen off, and the share of profits received by capital had been enor- 
mously decreased. There was no ground to claim that the laborers 
were underpaid, and there was actually no such pretence. 

Under these circumstances President Debs took up the quarrel of 
the employees of a car-building company. These employees were 
dissatisfied with a reduction in their wages, and refused to accept 
it. Whether they were justified in this refusal, I do not know. An 
investigation is now in progress under the able direction of Carroll 
D. Wright, the United States Commissioner of Labor, which will 
probably throw hght on this matter. But whether they were jus- 
tified or not, the course which Debs pursued is certainly unjustifia- 
ble. He appointed himself judge and jury in the case. He could 



13 

have had only very imperfect knowledge of the matter, but he de- 
cided that Pullman must pay higher wages, and he then decreed 
that railroad trains should not run Pullman cars, and that railroad 
companies should violate their contracts to haul Pullman cars. He 
said that if the railroad companies persisted in trying to fulfill 
their contracts, no trains should run out of Chicago. In effect. 
Debs said to the people of the United States : You shall not 
travel ; you shall not send mails or freight ; your whole business 
shall stand still unless you compel Pullman to pay higher wages 
than he says his business will permit. The Robber Barons of the 
Middle Ages were in the habit of seizing the strategic points 
commanding the roads by which merchants and traders were 
forced to pass. They then extorted money on pain of stopping 
commerce. Debs proceeded on this precise principle. He 
beUeved that with the threat of destroying commerce, and so 
inflicting enormous loss on the whole people of the United States, 
he could force the people to force Pullman to pay out more money. 
Debs actually attempted to inaugurate the Robber Baron business 
on an enormous scale. 

Please note that the Pullman strike was not a necessary part of 
Debs' scheme. It was only an incident which Debs seized upon 
because he thought it gave him a good opening to try his plan. 
His scheme was a far-reaching one. He aimed to obtain control 
of all the railroads in the country. He argued that with this 
control he could tie them all up at a moment's notice, and thus 
stop the entire business of the country. Rather than submit to the 
loss of such stoppage, he thought the railroads would pay whatever 
he demanded. He believed that after he had demonstrated his 
power, merely the threat of a tie-up would extort money. 

The formation of a scheme like this gives evidence of two things : 

I St — A lack of moral sense; 2nd — A lack of educated common 
sense. 

A scheme to extort money by inflicting an injury, or by threat- 



H 

ening to inflict an injury, cannot be defended as honest. But the 
essence of the Debs scheme, however disguised, comes in the last 
analysis to this, give us more wages, or we will do you an injury ; or 
worse yet, we will do the whole innocent community an injury, and 
we will charge it to you, unless you pay more. 

Violence is not a necessary part of this injury. The aim at first 
may be only to cause inconvenience and loss, by stopping trade, 
but is it surprising that with such teaching, ignorant and passionate 
men go further than their teachers ? If it is right to inflict loss in 
one way, why not in another ? They may even reason that if there 
is to be war, the sharper the conflict, the surer their victory, and 
the sooner the advent of peace. Hence cars are burned ; freight, 
the property of unknown and innocent persons, is destroyed ; trains 
are thrown from the track; and passengers, who have no connec- 
tion with the matter in dispute, are killed. All this follows from 
the principle that it is right to try to extort money by inflicting, or 
threatening to inflict, an injury. It is an immoral principle. It 
offends against the law of God, written not only on the tables of 
stone, but written also in the human heart. An honest man, look- 
ing Godward, seeking to find the truth, will know that he cannot 
rightfully seek to better himself by injuring his neighbor. Such a 
proposal is an outrage to the moral sense. 

2nd. Now look at the common-sense side of the question. 
Railroads are great tools used by armies of laborers to transport the 
products of farms and factories to their proper markets. These 
great tools are useless unless operated by labor. If they stop, the 
productive power of the country is lessened. There is less value 
created, less money earned, there is less ability to pay labor than 
there would be if the railroads continued to work. A tie-up of the 
railroads means a diminution of the general fund from which labor 
is paid. The organizers of a great strike are attempting to get more 
by actually diminishing the source of their supply. But further, 
the laborers on strike give up the whole of their wages for the time 



15 

being, and thus submit to a positive loss which is wholly out of 
proportion to any possible gain. If the accumulated savings of 
trade unions, which have been wasted in trying to support unsuc- 
cessful strikes, had been saved and invested, an enormous fund 
would to-day exist. The uses of such a fund would be many and 
various. Its very existence would be a safeguard and an insurance 
of fair treatment to labor. 

But vast sums have been thrown away in unavaiUng strife. Not 
only has labor expended its accumulations, but strikers have added 
to their burdens by destroying property. The loss by destruction at 
Chicago is estimated by millions. Who pays this loss? Cook 
county must pay it. The bills are now being made out and proved ; 
and Cook county must get the money to pay for this destroyed 
property by taxes on all the inhabitants. 

Laborers are apt to feel that they have little interest in taxes, if 
they have no property to go on the tax hst. But it is a great mis- 
take to assume that the method of levying taxes, and the mode of 
spending them, concerns only those who pay them into the treasury. 
Nothing can be more untrue than to suppose the laborer who has 
no visible property has no interest in the matter. Taxes can only 
be paid out of productive industry. Capital merely acts as a tax- 
gatherer. It pays over to the State a portion of what it yearly 
gathers from the producers. Capital cannot continue to pay taxes, 
if industry does not supply the means. The fact is that capital and 
labor are both supported out of the product of industry. Each gets 
its share; but before a division is made taxes must be deducted. If 
taxes are excessive there will be less to divide, and the share of 
each will be lessened. In this way labor necessarily suffers from 
heavy taxation. When, therefore, taxes are increased by the neces- 
sity of supplying such a loss as that at Chicago, there is a direct 
pressure on industry. Laborers must feel it. Wages may be 
reduced, or men discharged to effect an economy. It is certain 
that industry will feel the tax in some way. The men . who 



i6 

destroyed the property will be compelled to help to pay for it. 

The position, then, of those who seek to better their condition 
by injuring others, is like that of the man in the old picture books, 
who is sitting on the branch of a tree, and is diligently engaged in 
sawing it off, between himself and the trunk. If he succeeds in his 
injury to the tree, he is certain to fall himself His action, like the 
strikers', shows a lack of educated common sense. 

And this brings me back to the thought with which I b(?gan, and 
which I wish to leave with you in conclusion. The three topics to 
which I have directed your attention, the money question, the tariff 
question, and the question of strikes, are perhaps the most impor- 
tant questions which are now before the country. They are ahke 
in this, they require the careful study of educated men to unravel 
their complications, and to decide what action will produce the best 
results. We need such education as is furnished by Brown Univer- 
sity, such education as is furnished by the Agricultural College, 
and, perhaps more important than all, we need such education as is 
furnished by the common schools all over our land, to help us work 
out these problems. 

It is a very trite remark that the safety of our nation lies in the 
education of her citizens. I repeat it, to emphasize the fact that 
the remark is only true, if we understand the word " education " in 
its largest sense. We must draw out, and strengthen, not only the 
intellectual powers, but also the moral force. Intellect alone, seek- 
ing solely its own good, makes a monster, prone to strife and 
enmity. Intellect, guided by the developed moral nature, makes 
neighbors to dwell together in plenty, and in peace and love. 

The foundation upon which we have builded, was laid by our 
Puritan ancestors here in New England. Dr. Leonard Bacon gives 
us the picture in that grand hymn which he wrote : 

"Oh God, beneath thy guiding hand, 

Our exiled fathers crossed the sea. 
And when they trod the wintry strand. 

With prayer and psalm they worshipped thee." 



I? 

The recognition of God, the seeking after him, the endeavor to 
obey his commandments, the perception of duty, the love of right, 
the abhorrence of wrong, — these were the things that our exiled 
fathers brought with them, and planted on these western shores. 
These are the things from which have sprung our nation's strength 
and prosperity. We must hold fast to them in this our day 
of peril. 

We cannot shut our eyes to the facts of failure. There have 
been ignorance and venahty in high places and in low places. 
There has been violence which has almost overthrown the 
supremacy of law. Warned by these failures, let us now apply the 
only remedy. Education is necessary to dispel ignorance, but the 
only real safeguard is to be found in the principles of Christianity. 
Our moral natures must be educated ; we must feel the pressure of 
duty ; we must listen to the voice of conscience. We must 
recognize the force of that solemn word "ought," and we must do 
with all our might those things which we ought to do. We must, in 
fact, educate not the intellect only, but the whole man. Then, 
education and religion will go forward hand in hand, and our 
people under the influence of a true development, will rise to 
higher, and yet higher, levels. 

I am encouraged and strengthened in this view by a book which 
has recently appeared, "Kidd's Social Evolution." This book, 
written on modern lines of thought, granting the truth of the 
doctrine of evolution as applied to creation, recognizes that the 
moral and religious part of man's nature is a distinct force in the 
evolution of society. The author points out, that the nations which 
have the highest moral and religious development, which most truly 
worship God, have flourished best, and stand highest in the social 
scale. The contrast with nations which stumble on, without God 
in the world, is striking and wonderful. The appearance of this 
book, with its clear recognition of the spiritual and religious 
element of man's nature, must be regarded as a cheering sign in 



i8 

these troublous times. The more we study the subject, the more 
clearly we can see that the words of the Wise Man, recorded in the 
Book of Books, are as true to-day as they were when they were 
uttered three thousand years ago, "Righteousness exalteth a 
people." 



19 

Comparative Statement of the Entries at the Fairs of the 
Washington County Agricultural Society 
IN 1893 and 1894. 



NO OF NO. OF 

NAME. ENTRIES. ENTRIES 

1893. 1894. 

Thoroughbred 72 96 

Grade Cattle 107 126 

Native 33 27 

Herds and Milch Cows 27 25 

• Oxen in pairs 30 49 

Fat Cattle 12 8 

StaUions 25 27 

Geldings, Fillies and Single Horses 76 96 

Sheep 117 156 

Swine 27 56 

Poultry 423 432 

Grain and Vegetables. 358 547 

Apples 300 47 1 

Pears 126 218 

Small Fruits, Grapes, etc 90 99 

Plants and Flowers 118 222 

Butter and Cheese 7 7 

Bread and Pies 126 118 

Cake 137 159 

Canned Fruits, JelHes and Pickles 174 214 

Honey and Wax 19 14 

Domestic Manufactures 142 191 

Needle and Fancy Work 311 357 

Children's Department. . 59 79 

Fine Arts, Painting, etc 70 105 

Natural History 36 44 

Totals .3.022 3,943 

An increase of 921 entries, or over 30 per cent. 



In connection with Prof. Wheeler's experiments, referred to in 
the address, a pamphlet was distributed to all interested containing 
about thirty pages of photographs of the various crops experimented 
upon. These photographs were selected by permission from the 
forthcoming report of the Experiment Station. They excited much 
interest. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




